A Letter of Anti-Trust and Free-Market Principles for Ecosystem Leadership

The death of a squirrel can become a legitimacy shock—less because of the squirrel itself, and more because it concentrates public attention on a deeper question: who has authority, and what restraints exist on that authority.

In the same way, a single forum thread—“The Kus Public Review & AMA: 2022–2025”—can surface structural fragilities that quietly determine the long-run trajectory of an ecosystem.

This letter is not about adjudicating personalities, relitigating grievances, or “winning” a contract dispute. It is about principled leadership: what it looks like when an ecosystem claims decentralization while tolerating concentrated control over narrative, procurement, distribution, and access to community-funded public goods.

If Polkadot is to be credibly “mature,” it must treat anti-trust and free-market design as first-class ecosystem values—applied not only to code, but to treasury spending, information infrastructure, and social power.

More importantly, this letter is a call to action towards principled leadership on first-class economic security of the protocol :


To: Treasury decision-makers, governance participants, delegates, curators, foundations, core teams, and ecosystem leaders
From: A participant committed to open competition, pluralism, and institutional restraint
Subject: Anti-trust principles as operational requirements for Polkadot’s legitimacy


1) Competition is not a slogan; it is the only reliable error-correction mechanism

Complex systems do not reliably “pick winners” by committee without creating blind spots, favoritism, and path dependence. Markets are not perfect; they are functional because they enable entry, exit, and replacement.


2) There must be no single point of failure in “public truth”

When the ecosystem depends on one outlet, one brand, one pipeline, one distributor, or one access channel, it creates an information monopoly—even if no one intended it.


3) Treasury-funded work must be structurally portable

If public funds pay for content, tooling, research, or infrastructure, the ecosystem must never be placed in a position where access can be withheld, negotiated under pressure, or functionally privatized after the fact—regardless of what conflict triggers the breakdown.


4) Procurement must minimize monopoly rents, not maximize brand continuity

Long-running relationships are not inherently corrupt, but they naturally accumulate privilege: preferential access, informational advantage, and de facto entitlement. Over time, “trusted vendor” becomes “un-auditable institution.”


5) Governance must prevent “soft cartel” dynamics

Cartels do not require explicit collusion. They emerge when a small set of actors repeatedly sets agendas, controls visibility, and shapes the reputational market for who is “legitimate.”


6) Conflicts of interest must be treated as systemic, not personal

When reputations, friendships, sponsorships, or institutional proximity influence funding decisions, markets deform. The result is not merely unfairness—it is reduced innovation and increased fragility.


7) “Exit” must be real for both sides

A free market is defined by voluntary exchange and credible alternatives. If providers cannot survive without treasury patronage, they become politicized. If the ecosystem cannot replace providers without disruption, it becomes captured.


8) Public goods require explicit ownership rules and enforceable remedies

If assets are public, they must remain public. If they are private, the treasury should not pay for them as public infrastructure. Ambiguity breeds coercion, resentment, and reputational warfare.


9) Prefer rule-based institutions over discretionary control

Discretion concentrates power. Rules distribute power. The more governance relies on ad hoc exception-making, insider negotiation, and backchannel settlement, the more it resembles a managed economy rather than an open one.


10) The legitimacy of decentralization is measured by restraint

Decentralization is not proven by rhetoric or architecture alone. It is proven when leaders and institutions voluntarily constrain themselves—especially when they could centralize “for efficiency.”

—-

Leadership Duty: Design conditions where multiple providers can compete, fail, improve, and be replaced without destabilizing the ecosystem.

Leadership Duty: Cultivate redundancy and pluralism in communications:

  • multiple editorial lines
  • multiple production teams
  • multiple distribution channels
  • multiple funding paths

Leadership Duty: Require enforceable portability by default:

  • escrowed or mirrored archives
  • reproducible publishing pipelines
  • clear public licensing
  • continuity plans that do not depend on goodwill

Leadership Duty: Treat continuity bias as a risk factor. Counter it with:

  • competitive rebidding
  • rotation of suppliers
  • contract caps
  • modular scopes
  • multiple smaller awards rather than single dominant contracts

Leadership Duty: Assume conflicts exist and require:

  • mandatory disclosure
  • recusal expectations
  • standardized evaluation criteria
  • auditable rationale for decisions

Leadership Duty: Decentralize these roles. Funding gatekeeping, narrative distribution, performance evaluation, and relationship management should not concentrate in the same circles.

Leadership Duty: Design for mutual independence:

  • providers build non-treasury revenue paths over time
  • the ecosystem maintains substitute capacity at all times

Leadership Duty: Specify upfront—preferably in machine-checkable terms where feasible:

  • what is public
  • what is deliverable
  • what must remain accessible
  • what remedies trigger automatically on non-compliance

Leadership Duty: Replace discretionary patterns with standardized mechanisms:

  • clear procurement tracks
  • transparent scoring rubrics
  • objective deliverables
  • bounded authority for any coordinating institution

Leadership Duty: Adopt a culture of institutional humility:

  • do not centralize to solve coordination problems
  • do not monopolize to reduce complexity
  • do not suppress competition to “stabilize the message”

Commitments I Ask Ecosystem Leaders to Publicly Make

  • We will not tolerate monopolies over ecosystem communications, whether funded by treasury or not.
  • We will design treasury procurement to maximize competition, not vendor permanence.
  • We will require portability and public accessibility for community-funded public goods.
  • We will treat information plurality as a security property, not a marketing preference.
  • We will reduce discretionary control and expand rule-based governance to prevent soft cartel formation.

Closing

This forum thread is a signal, not merely a dispute. It illustrates how quickly an ecosystem can drift into dependency—where funding, visibility, and legitimacy concentrate—until one small perturbation triggers cascading failure.

If Polkadot wants to be durable, it must treat anti-trust and free markets not as ideological ornaments, but as operational constraints—the kind that prevent capture, preserve innovation, and keep power contestable.

Respectfully,
A governance participant who prefers competition over coordination-by-control

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please don’t copy-paste ChatGPT output into the forum

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I’ve flagged @Alice 's response as off-topic.

This is a thread about anti-trust and market principles. Ad hominem critiques regarding syntax or writing tools are irrelevant. If you have a counter-argument regarding the 10 principles listed above, I am happy to hear it. Otherwise, please do not clutter the discussion.

“This is an AI-thread about anti-trust and market principles.”

2 Likes

Just to be clear about the alignment with current EU + US law and the importance on protecting and promoting “fair competition in markets, which delivers broad benefits to consumers, workers, innovation, economic efficiency, and even democratic structures”.

Please take a moment to read this (instead of arguing with an AI :innocent:)

“Agreement Between United States And European Communities On The Application Of Positive Comity Principles In The Enforcement Of Antitrust Laws”

(The Streisand effect…)

Hi Diego @labormedia , I’m sure you have good ideas and intentions with your posts but it’s starting to feel difficult for me to read through your posts, especially when you double post (copy/paste) this on more than one thread.

I understand AI can be a valuable tool and can also help with the language barrier to try and better communicate ideas to a wider public but I’m afraid I cannot be the only one scrolling through your multiple posts.

I, for one, would be interested in hearing your ideas and your own analysis directly, instead of the one of chatGPT or other similar tool you are using.

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Hello Florentina,

I appreciate the feedback on readability. However, I want to be very clear: the analysis, the principles, and the strategic observation of market failure in our “decentralized and permissionless” ecosystem are entirely my own.

Presumptions regarding whether I use assisting tools to structure complex thoughts into readable English (my second language) do not make the ideas artificial. Dismissing the content on these grounds should be flagged as irrelevant, off-topic, and arguably a form of direct intersectional discrimination.

If my mind naturally hallucinates presumptions about anyone’s actions (or online avatar), I consciously choose to treat them positively unless I see clear signs diverging from this nature. This is a natural emotional response. Meaning is always given by emotions, which are at the heart of our body system and in total alignment with our survival needs; these should never contradict our other body functions, such as intellectual discourse and language usage. I refer to the work of Francisco Varela, the Chilean neurobiologist, and cognitive studies stemming from the ideas of Autopoiesis to support this approach to cognition.

In this sense, if my approach to language does not make sense to you, it is perhaps because it is not yet involved in your own survival and adaptation needs. I mention this because the larger scope I am offering through this letter—principled leadership—is exactly what I am coherently practicing here.

I worry (emotionally) about an ecosystem coordinated by a protocol that could—and in my perspective, will—fail under competitive industrial drive if these human capabilities emerging naturally from our biology are not addressed directly by recognizing others as “legitimate others.” By rejecting others, you narrow the systemic endurance of the social system we are building. The language then falls into a “formal verification” that any commercial-grade computing hardware can realize by itself—which is exactly how I view your concerns about using AI as assistive technology.

Regarding the cross-posting: This letter was posted here as a standalone topic because it is a systemic proposal of human principles, not a comment on The Kusamarian thread.

If the text is dense, it is because the problem is complex. I am more than happy to clarify any specific point you find confusing, as I’ve made clear throughout all my interactions: my main interest is real human communication.

Which of the 10 principles do you believe is incorrect?

Now that we have addressed the form, I want to pivot to the substance.

I have formally submitted these concepts as a Request for Comments to the Polkadot Fellowship:

Anti-trust is a multidimensional, well-known problem in legislation and enforcement. Coming from Chile, a country with deep institutional experience in competition policy and measurable benefits from enforcing market-contestability safeguards, I’m approaching this as an applied systems issue, not an abstract debate.

This legislative posture—common across strict international commitments and high-scrutiny markets—supports economic development while materially reducing exposure to enforcement risk. It also increases the probability of success for any economy operating under serious attention. These incentives carry directly into blockchain ecosystems: designing market structure with anti-capture constraints is simply more lucrative than leaving it to informal norms, because it enables maturity across governance, infrastructure, and commercial adoption.

One more point on leadership and risk:

Recent public commentary from Parity’s CEO—framing the mission as “fighting established regimes,” declaring the nation-state “broken,” or advising users to bypass institutions by defaulting to alternatives like Bitcoin—introduces unnecessary existential risk. Even if intended as philosophical observation, this posture is operationally indistinguishable from antagonism toward rule-of-law environments. [1]

That is bad business. It clashes with the compliance maturity required for anti-trust seriousness, because the operational target here is credibility under institutional constraints—predictable, reviewable rules—rather than posturing against them.

Furthermore, there is a distinct ethical liability here.
We must look closely at how our liquidation mechanisms have operated and the current referendum regarding caps on monetary supply. These structural issues reveal the sources of “fictional wealth” upon which parts of this ecosystem rest. A dupe occurs when the same figures benefiting from these extractive internal schemes offer a “bypass on law enforcement” as a value proposition. Offering “resistance” as a product—while relying on unchecked monetary mechanics that would fail in a regulated market—is not just inconsistent but a trap for the user.

The lucrative path is maturity: encode neutrality, portability, contestability, and bounded privilege as reviewable protocol constraints. Dismissing these concerns increases long-term costs.

So I’ll ask directly: are we going to participate in the substance and spirit of these principles—by reviewing the invariants and proposing measurable guardrails—or are we going to keep debating tone and personalities?

(I’m explicitly asking for technical engagement: parameters, metrics, unintended consequences, and compatibility. See you in the RFC thread.)

[1] References: See “The Social Contract is Broken” keynotes (Decoded 2023/24) and the pervasive “Rules Not Rulers” campaign. In strict regulatory environments, framing the protocol as a replacement for “broken” state guarantees—rather than a tool for commercial efficiency—creates a presumption of non-compliance.

Just a very short note, since I have the same feeling as others about engaging with ai generated thoughts. This is not at all about excluding someone from a discussion because of limited knowledge of english. But writing your thoughts down in your native language and then translating it through google translate is much better way than feeding pointers to ai and having it produce a very long text. Would be happy to engage in a discussion if you reconsider.

I thought the concerns regarding “form” were already addressed. Yet, here we are.

The fact that we are still debating how I write, rather than what I have proposed, reveals a profound intellectual cowardice in this forum. This is an active refusal to engage with the security failure modes that threaten this protocol.

I talk from experience You accuse me of using “language models” because my writing is structured and principled. You are mistaken.

I write this way not because I am a machine, but because I was born in a dictatorship. I have seen firsthand what happens when economic freedom and institutional restraints are dismantled by “charismatic leaders” who promise to bypass the rules. My dedication to Neutrality, Contestability, and Rule-Based Exit comes from the visceral experience of living in a system where those things disappeared at some moment. To dismiss this lived experience as “hallucination” or “machine produce” is an offense to the intellect and a direct form of discrimination against those of us who treat governance with the seriousness it deserves.

The Danger of building a context of “Anti-Regime” Rhetoric together with Biometrics is an example. You dismiss my warnings about “fighting a regime” as irrelevant. Look closer.

We are asking users to trust this ecosystem with Proof of Personhood, biometric data, and deep telemetry. Do you expect the world to trust this biometric identity—engraved on their skin and stored in their devices—to a network whose leadership openly flirts with “breaking the nation-state”?

“Cypherpunk” videogames could look cool, but this is negligence. If you combine biometric data collection with anti-law-enforcement rhetoric, you are building a target.

It has become crystal clear where the bias lies. I noted that a message from @SocialTruth—the only comment that attempted to engage with the substance and criticized the “poor argumentation about form”—was swiftly hidden by moderators.

This is the “soft cartel” dynamic in action. When someone invites you to debate the spirit of the proposal, you silence them. When someone critiques your tone, you amplify them.

I challenge you. If you believe knowledge is merely “repeating rules,” then we can conclude your real interest here is to preserve a “bypass on law enforcement” for your own convenience. Philosophically, your arguments are weak. If you feel my English is “too perfect” for this forum, then you will have to pardon my refusal to lower my standards.

If you want to prove you care about this protocol, leave your literary criticism at the door and engage with the normative bodies where it matters. I invite you to review RFC-0162 on GitHub. I wonder: will you accuse the code of being an hallucination too?

I wish you the best, even after this offense to the intellect.